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Economic Development Reform

by: Kelk

Mon Dec 04, 2006 at 13:09:49 PM EST


The need for economic development reform in New York State is without question. One should only look at the economy of Upstate New York to recognize that the current policy is failing and should be changed. At present, there are various strategies, which have been employed to create quality jobs through the state. These include the use of Industrial Development Agencies (IDAs) and Empire Zones to promote economic growth in the depressed regions across the state. The problem is that they have not been able to become the growth engine, which they were touted during their creation.

More after the fold...

Kelk :: Economic Development Reform
One of the strongest critics of these programs has been the New York State Comptroller:

An audit of 11 Empire Zones located around the State, including 3 in New York City, found that the Zones are poorly administered, keep inadequate records and do not hold firms that receive tax breaks accountable for actually producing jobs.

Despite the obvious irony, I still look to the state comptroller's office as a major vehicle for reform in the state.

There has been more news coming out from Syracuse, which points to more widespread abuse of the tax-payer money. According to an investigation by the Syracuse Post Standard, millions of dollars worth of tax breaks have been given to a New Jersey company, which has not lived up to its part of the bargain to supply jobs in the region:


Taxpayers paid $22 million to NRG Energy for one year, and it did almost nothing to deserve it. The New Jersey company added one-half of one employee. It operated Upstate electric plants built decades ago by someone else. Two of these plants are the state's worst polluters and a third rarely operates. Despite this, NRG grabbed a bigger Empire Zone tax break than any of the 8,300 other eligible businesses, an investigation by The Post-Standard reveals. No. 2 was another out-of-state energy conglomerate: Reliant Energy of Texas. State taxpayers reimburse the companies for their property taxes, making them, in effect, as property tax-free as a hospital or church.

Since when do we treat corporations like churches and hospitals? But in light of the recent Berger Commission's recommendations and an editorial from Buffalo News, I guess hospitals should be in the same category.

"These nonprofits are huge and they are major employers," said Lindalee A. Lawrence, founder and president of Lawrence Associates, a health care compensation consultant in Massachusetts. "They're businesses, even though they are nonprofit."

It seems that even this amount of abuse has been too much for our soon-to-be-former Republican governor to stomach and lead to his attempts to cap the credits on a per new employee basis, but the Republican State Senate blocked this reform and the proposal from the Democratic-controlled Assembly to cap all companies, not just those in the energy industry. Again from the Syracuse Post Standard:

In 2004 and 2005, the governor proposed capping their credits at $10,000 for each new employee. That would've dramatically cut NRG's property tax benefit. In both years, the Legislature and Pataki let the idea die in their private budget negotiations. Assembly Speaker Sheldon Silver wanted a cap on benefits for every business, not just energy companies, spokesman Brian Franke said. In the end, the leaders agreed to reforms that would apply to only companies approved after April 1, 2005, not the 9,000 businesses already in the program, he said. A spokesman for Senate Majority Leader Joseph Bruno did not respond to questions. 

And of course the money has been flowing...

NRG, Reliant, Brookfield Asset and their subsidiaries contributed $48,700 to the campaigns of state politicians since 1999. That includes $27,800 to Pataki, $6,450 to Wright and $7,200 to Assemblymen. The companies also gave $29,560 to the political action committee of the Independent Power Producers of New York, a trade association. The IPPNY gave more than $70,000 to state politicians since 1999.

So, what can be done to reform the Empire Zone and make it a vehicle for real economic development reform? For that answer, we can look again at the State Comptroller's Agenda for Reform:

Reforms were offered by the Comptroller to correct the flaws in program administration and reporting identified through the Comptroller's audits. The reform plan outlined strategies for improved oversight of the program and more comprehensive data collection from participating businesses and from the Zones themselves.

And while we are at it, let us make Clean Elections a priority, since changes of this nature will not be made until our elected leaders are beholden to tax-payers and not corporations.
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I think this was one of Trabucco's issues (4.00 / 1)
If I recall correctly, this was one of the issues that Mark Trabucco ran on in his Senate race against Libous. He took 42 percent of the vote (an all time high for someone competing with Libous), and is running again in two years.

A sad side note, we got a local volunteer calling right before the election, saying that they were disappointed that a lot of people they hoped would endorse Trabucco backed Libous instead.

Getting past the "Oh, I know him, he's a good guy," and the more cronyistic connections is one tough obstacle to cleaning up Albany.


economic development subsidy reform ideas from Minnesota (4.00 / 2)
Great blog post. This is an issue I care deeply about (Lipris can tell you for sure). DMI had an event recently featuring a state legislator from Minnesota who successfully implimented economic development subsidy reform which has really really worked. We have podcasts and webvideo of the panel on our website. The panel included Assemblyman Brodsy btw.(i blog about it here)

So what was the legislation we were excited by?
From my post:


In 1995 they passed the nation's first law regulating corporate welfare and instituting subsidy accountability. The law mandated that any "business that receives state or local government assistance for economic development or job growth purposes must create a net increase in jobs in Minnesota within two years of receiving the assistance."
The law also contains a "clawback" clause requiring businesses who fail to reach job creation goals to repay the state a portion of the subsidy-- with interest.

In 1999, Senator Hottinger successfully updated and enhanced the law requiring state agencies to set standards for the wages of jobs created with these subsidies. It also requires a public hearing before major subsidies are approved and mandates all locally provided subsidies be approved by an elected body. The law also creates more stringent disclosure rules and it is credited with recouping millions of dollars in state funds.

How much? since 2000, nine companies that received subsidies from the $15 million Minnesota Investment Fund have been forced to repay $1.2 million for failing to comply with the requirements of the subsidy.

Think we could use some of that accountability in NYS?
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