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Campaign Finance Reform -- Not

by: Dan Jacoby

Sat Apr 04, 2009 at 21:33:05 PM EDT


They're at it again.

On March 31, a bipartisan group of House members introduced H.R. 1826, and a similarly bipartisan pair of Senators introduced S. 752. Both bills are entitled the "Fair Elections Now Act," and each bill provides for partial public funding of elections in its respective house of Congress. These bills are an attempt to reduce the prevalence of large donors in congressional elections, the need for elected officials and candidates to spend enormous amounts of time fundraising, and the power large donors have over the legislative process.

Unfortunately, these bills not only fail to achieve their objectives, but in several ways they will actually make things worse.

The plan these bills create would set up a fund that disperses money to congressional candidates who qualify by raising enough money in small donations (between $5-100). Any candidate who participates in the plan would be limited to donations of $100 or less, rather than the current limit of $4,600 ($2,300 for a primary, and another $2,300 for a general election).

A participating candidate who raises enough money from enough small donors would qualify for a lump sum in public money, with the possibility of doubling that sum through "matching funds" for extra money raised. Qualifying candidates would not be allowed to spend their own or their family's money (except for $100 per person), would not be allowed to accept large donations to their "Leadership PACs," and would be required to debate their opponents.

On its surface, this plan sounds like a method for getting rid of large donors (and large fundraisers who raise huge sums for a candidate). It also seeks to end the constant money chase - currently, both major parties have large phonebanks in Washington, DC, and expect their elected officials to spend a lot of time there, calling donors to raise money for the next election; this plan tries to end that practice.

Dig beneath that surface, however, and it turns out that the endless fundraising, and the large donors, will not be eliminated or even diminished. Instead, the focus will shift slightly, and that shift will make things even worse for truly independent voices.

Dan Jacoby :: Campaign Finance Reform -- Not
Looking at the House bill, the key sentence is found on in Section 513, on page 17. (House bill text available at the GPO website.) It reads, "For purposes of this subsection, a payment made by a political party in coordination with a participating candidate shall not be treated as a contribution to or as an expenditure made by the participating candidate." In other words, political parties, and their various committees, can continue to raise and spend all the money they can get their greedy hands on.

Under this bill, it becomes obvious to anyone who has been involved in campaign fundraising that instead of a candidate trying to raise $4,600 directly, the candidate will ask for $100 for his or her campaign, and have the other $4,500 donated to the candidate's political party committee. The money won't disappear; it will merely shift from a candidate's campaign committee to the party's campaign committee.

Meanwhile, in a complete waste of taxpayer money, the government will be dumping hundreds of millions of dollars into campaigns to replace money that will still be raised and spent on campaigns and elsewhere.

In addition to wasting taxpayer money and getting nothing for it, this system will strengthen the power of political party machinery. There are two ways this will happen.

First, since the $4,500 that currently goes to candidates will go fill the coffers of party committees, the political parties will be able to spend far more on chosen races than the candidates - which means that a candidate had better be a loyal party machine cog (including spending a lot of time raising money for the party committees), or the party won't help.

Second, Section 201(a)(1), on page 47 of the bill, requires broadcast stations to offer advertising time to political parties at the lowest rate available. Candidates are already given this preferred rate, but now political parties will get more bang for their advertising buck as well, allowing them to wield even more power.

Finally, the bill will result in ever-increasing use of tax money every election cycle. Section 522(c), on page 24, sets the "base amount" of public funding per candidate based on the average amount spent by "winning candidates in the last two election cycles." A candidate can get up to 200% of the "base amount" in public funding (80% for a primary, and 120% for a general election, but only one-fourth of the maximum in an uncontested race), and winning candidates will almost certainly qualify for at least 120% of "base amount," the maximum allowed in a general election, plus 10% of "base amount" in public funding for an uncontested primary election. In addition, a candidate receiving 120% of "base amount" will also have raised at least 50% of "base amount" in direct private contributions.

This number will be larger if there are primary challenges, and smaller if there are a lot of uncontested general elections. In 2008, there were 56 uncontested House races, out of 435. Even assuming no primary contests, the uncontested general election winners will have spent at least 40% of "base amount" (15% in public funding, plus 25% in private donations). The average amount spent by the winners will then be at least 144% of "base amount." As a result, by the third cycle, the "base amount" will be increased by at least 15%, and will go up at an even faster rate every cycle after that.

A 15% increase in four years is a compounded inflation rate of just over 3.5%, about twice the actual inflation rate. In other words, the cost of mounting a successful campaign (and the amount of taxpayer money being spent) will increase at least twice as fast as the inflation rate. That's assuming no primary contests, and minimal spending by the winners - the actual numbers will be a lot higher.

In short, these bills do nothing to reduce fundraising or large donations, they strengthen party machinery at the expense of individuality, they throw taxpayer money away, and they will become very expensive very quickly. They were written with the best of intentions; unfortunately they have gone down the road paved with those intentions.

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Campaign Finance Reform -- Yes (0.00 / 0)
No campaign finance system will be perfect. But the above analysis focuses only on potential flaws of the proposed system without asking whether (1) the system might also be better and (2) worth the expense. I think the answers to both questions are yes--or at least worth finding out.

Jacoby's first argument against the legislation is that the money will just go elsewhere. (He seems to assume that the money will go to national campaign committees, but there's no reason to assume it wouldn't just go towards independent expenditures.)

But the point of the legislation is not to limit overall spending, which would run into serious First Amendment problems. The point is to reduce the dependency of candidates on private money by replacing it with public money. Once candidates have enough money to run their campaigns and make their points, then we will have competition that will benefit our political system and give our elected officials more freedom to tell lobbyists to take a hike. Sure, more money from private sources might be helpful, but it will no longer necessarily be needed. (If money decided all races, we'd have a lot more self-funded Senators from California.) The legislation should provide more than enough money for qualifying candidates to run effective campaigns, even if they wind up being outspent. That first million dollars in a House race matters a lot more than that second million. So the overall effect may be greater independence from both party machinery and lobbyists, not less. The question is an empirical one; I think it's certainly worth trying it to see what happens.

Jacob's second main argument is about cost. I have trouble following the math, but it's easy to see that the "base amount" starts one-fifth lower than average present costs. Section 522(c), on page 24, defines "base amount" as 80% of the national average spending of winning candidates over the past two election cycles. So even if what Jacob says is true that most candidates will qualify for 120% of the base amount, that number still slightly less money than before (0.8 times 1.2 is 0.96).

But without going into the details of the math for the moment, our system is not as expensive as many seem to believe. Despite the groanings about how much money goes into elections, I did the math for the past cycle and found that all of the presidential and congressional candidate expenditures (including primaries) and all the national party committee and 527 organization expenditures came to a grand total of $8.78 per eligible voter per year. If you asked people if they'd be willing to pay $10 a year to reduce the chances that Exxon will get tax breaks, or ADM will get subsidies, or that the financials industry will write their own regulations (and I'll throw in unions and trial lawyers to be bipartisan), and to reduce the third of the time that their representatives spend raising money, I think most of them would say yes.

So at today's levels, it's relatively easy to swamp private money with public money without restricting private money (again, that pesky First Amendment). And if private money has less of an impact because of the influx of public funds, then it may produce a disincentive for private entities to make political contributions because they're getting less bang for their bucks. If the costs rise uncontrollably, then that question can be addressed down the road. But again, I think it's an experiment worth conducting to see what happens first instead of dismissing it out of unproven assumptions.

This legislation has the support of many "good government" groups such as Common Cause, Public Citizen, Public Campaign, Democracy Matters, U.S. PRIG, Change Congress, and the Brennan Center for Justice. It has been carefully crafted to avoid a multitude of First Amendment issues. It will not create a level playing field, but I think it will produce a better playing field at a reasonable cost. And that should be the test regarding any legislation. We should not let the perfect be the enemy of the good.


Actually, No (0.00 / 0)
First of all, of course the money will go elsewhere, as long as there is an easy way out.  In this case, the bill is designed so that candidates will be pressured to fundraise for the party machinery, so that's where the money will go.

Second, while limiting campaign spending by fiat is a First Amendment issue (Buckley v. Valeo), methods that have an effect of lowering the amount of money spent, especially if they are voluntary, are legal.

Third, the effect of this bill will not be to reduce candidates' dependence on private money.  Instead, most of the private money will be funneled through party committees, which makes candidates doubly dependent -- first on their ability to raise private money for the party committees, and second on the newly-wealthy party committees themselves.

Regarding the amount of money spent, a candidate who does not have a primary but does have a competitive general election can get up to 130% of "base amount" in public funding (1-% for the primary, plus 120% for the general), plus whatever the candidate can raise (which would be at least 30% of "base amount" in order to qualify for the full public funding available), meaning a total of at least 160% of "base amount."  80% of that is 128%.  Since not every candidate has a contested general election, and very few have a primary challenge, the actual increase in spending per cycle will be lower, but still well above the inflation rate.

Many of those "good government" groups have supported prior campaign finance bills that failed; they don't really do the due diligence.  It's a shame, because they could (and should!) do better.

Finally, the question here, as you state, is whether this makes things better.  Since it won't reduce private fundraising, won't reduce the amount spent on elections, and will cost taxpayers hundreds of millions (soon to be "billions") of dollars every cycle, it makes things worse, not better.  That's why it should be defeated.


I gotta say I'm skeptical (0.00 / 0)
of any campaign finance reform proposal that makes candidates more dependent on the parties.

There's a recipe for transparency and openness.... no...


[ Parent ]
I Don't Think My Points Were Addressed (0.00 / 0)
"In this case, the bill is designed so that candidates will be pressured to fundraise for the party machinery, so that's where the money will go....most of the private money will be funneled through party committees, which makes candidates doubly dependent -- first on their ability to raise private money for the party committees, and second on the newly-wealthy party committees themselves."

Perhaps. But established candidates are already under pressure to raise money for party committees, so that may not be much of a change for the candidates or the parties.

Counter to that pressure is the fact that candidates will be able to get public funds that are completely independent of the party machinery--and independent of large private donations, and only partially dependent on private small ones (which actually serve as a good gatekeeping mechanism so that the public doesn't fund non-serious candidates). And the amount of money available should be sufficient to run a competent campaign. Every additional dollar means less than the one before it; the first $700,000 for a House campaign matters a lot more than the next $700,000, because the first chunk usually suffices for a competent campaign. So it seems to me that providing that money free of any party committee or large group of donors would increase candidate independence, not weaken it. Why, then, the conclusion that the net effect will make candidates more dependent on the party? Is it anything more than speculation? Surely there are several forces at work. Why not try the new system and see what happens?

"Second, while limiting campaign spending by fiat is a First Amendment issue (Buckley v. Valeo), methods that have an effect of lowering the amount of money spent, especially if they are voluntary, are legal."

No disagreement there. But the volunteerism is solely on the part of the candidates. Those private individuals who want to give will find other outlets, either through parties or private groups. If the complaint is that money will find a way, then no proposal will succeed. But we don't need to go that far; all we need to do is swamp private money with pubic money so that the private money no longer plays a pivotal role. Isn't that the real goal?

I also think you severely underestimate the due diligence of good government groups. They have good analysts and lawyers working for them. They take these issues very seriously and spend a lot of time on them. The fact that you may disagree with them shouldn't lead to a disparagement of their work. Instead, it should lead to an engagement on the issues.

"Since it won't reduce private fundraising, won't reduce the amount spent on elections, and will cost taxpayers hundreds of millions (soon to be "billions") of dollars every cycle, it makes things worse, not better."

The private fundraising issue was addressed above. If money will always find a way, either through parties or independent groups then no proposal will withstand scrutiny, so I think that argument proves too much.

More importantly, when was the point to reduce the amount spent on elections? I don't think that's the goal. The goal is to reduce the influence of private money on elections. As you wrote, one can't impose mandatory spending restrictions, either on candidates or on individuals who wish to speak in the political process. What one can do is reduce the influence of private money by providing a substantial enough public alternative.

Those "hundreds of millions per cycle" you wrote crossed the billion threshold some time ago, even just for Congress (I've done the math). But as I wrote above, even those billions for Congress, President, national party committees, and 527 organizations still amount to only $8.78 per eligible voter per year. The problem isn't the total amount of money, it's where it comes from--a fairly small number of wealthy people and groups instead of the public at large. And that's why it would be so easy to swamp private money with public money: if everyone gives relatively little, the numbers can far exceed what even the wealthy are spending. The $8.78 number should show that it would be cheap to do so (and we might get some of that money back if, say, it helped allow Medicare to bargain for prescription drugs, etc.; surely there are a few hundred millions, if not billions, to be saved by freeing representatives from obligations to those who currently fund their campaigns).

Finally: what's the alternative that can pass First Amendment muster? Or are we stuck with what we have today?


[ Parent ]
Questions about Math and Alternatives (0.00 / 0)
Do the calculations above take into account that the "base" funding level is reset every two years to 80% of the average spent by winning candidates in the last two cycles? Given that the "base" starts off at 4/5ths of where the last two cycles were, that would seem to be at least an initial hedge against spiraling costs.

Where does the assertion come from that those qualifying for 120% of the base amount will have raised at least half of the base amount in private contributions? That's equivalent to saying that almost 30% of the total money will be privately raised. (120 + 50 would be the total, and 50 divided by 170 is 0.29.) Qualifying candidates for the general election get 60% of the base amount in public funds. They can qualify with as little as $50,000 in private money which must be raised in small dollar amounts (from $5 to $100, unless the oversight board established by the law determines otherwise). Given that the average amount it took to win a House seat last cycle was a little over $1 million (though the median is probably somewhat lower since the high-profile competitive races likely skew the average upwards), that would make the base amount about $800,000, and 60% of that would be an allotment of $480,000 in public money for just $50,000 in private money, making private money less than 10% of the total. (The public money figure may be high for most districts, but it gives an idea of the numbers). The bill also provides for a 4 to 1 match for in-state small dollar contributions, with a limit again of 60% of the base amount, so private money can make up only 20% of that portion. Consequently, I don't the basis for the claim that those qualifying for 120% of the base amount will have raised at least half of the base amount in private funds.

[And even if private money did make up 30% of the total, I'd say that's still a lot better than having private money as all of the allotment. Add to that the requirement that the matching funds must come from donations less than $100, and the impact of major donors is further diminished from what we have today.]

Finally, what are the alternatives? The Supreme Court's Buckley decision severely restricted the government's ability to control spending on political speech. (Rightly so, in my opinion; if I want to take out an ad about a candidate, isn't that about as close to core First Amendment concerns as you can get?) I'm not sure you'd get even four votes to overturn that part of the decision today, much less five, so one new Supreme Court nominee may not do the trick, and it doesn't look like any of the justices supporting that part of Buckley are anywhere near retirement anyway. Unless one wants to do the heavy lifting of a constitutional amendment process, any law will have to work within present constitutional constraints. What are the other proposals that do so? Because otherwise, we're stuck with the system we have.


The alternative (0.00 / 0)
The alternative is a true "Clean Money, Clean Elections" (CMCE) system, such as has been proposed by Rep. Tierney (D-CT) for at least the past two sessions in the House, and by Sens. Durbin (D-IL) and Specter (R-PA) in the Senate.  (The House bill (for the 110th Congress) was H.R.1614, and the Senate bill was S.1285.)

The same concept has been pushed in Albany, primarily by Citizen Action NY, for the past 11 years.  CMCE has been working for state elections in Maine and Arizona since 2000, and is now in effect (as of 2008) in Connecticut.  North Carolina uses it for their judicial elections.  Portland (OR) and Albuquerque have also been using it, and I've heard (but haven't confirmed) that Santa Fe is now using it.  There is also a bill before the New York City Council (Intro 803-2008).

The Larson bill is an attempt at a hybrid between true CMCE and a matching funds system similar to the one being used in New York City.

CMCE has survived every Buckley-based legal challenge that (mostly right-wing) groups have thrown at it.  It has even survived one post-Davis challenge (i.e. Davis v. FEC) in North Carolina.


[ Parent ]
I Like CMCE, But.... (0.00 / 0)
I too like the Maine-Arizona models. But despite introducing it in the last Congress, Durbin and others backed away from it after the Supreme Court's decision in Davis v. FEC last term. Just because CMCE survived a post-Davis challenge at a lower court level doesn't mean it would survive with today's Supreme Court. Davis doesn't speak directly to CMCE, so lower courts are working with what they know for sure; that doesn't mean the Supreme Court wouldn't strike it down in whole or in part today when it got to them. Durbin's sponsorship of the hybrid model instead of CMCE in this Congress probably indicates that they're concerned about the viability of CMCE and are looking for the next best option.

After talking with some Common Cause folks, I became open to the idea that the hybrid system has advantages that CMCE doesn't have. This Supreme Court seems very hostile to the idea of having the government monitor private speech (again, possibly with good justification from a First Amendment perspective). CMCE monitors such speech to provide matching "fair fight" funds to candidates who are attacked by outside groups or have outside groups supporting their opponents. The hybrid model avoids that problem while hopefully providing candidates enough money to run competitive contests even when outside groups get involved (whether they be private groups or party committees). That may be the best we can get out of the present legal structure.

By the way, I was told that the NY Assembly for many years has been passing almost pro forma a NYC-style campaign financing bill where small donations get a multiple public match, knowing it wouldn't get anywhere in the Senate. Now that control has shifted, the Senate is looking at a hybrid system. I was told that the chance of something getting passed was perhaps 40% to 50%, far higher than I would have thought. But Paterson may not be willing to sign anything that costs money given the current budget situation.


[ Parent ]
Does CMCE Pass Your Hybrid Critique? (0.00 / 0)
You wrote about the proposed hybrid system: "Since it won't reduce private fundraising, won't reduce the amount spent on elections, and will cost taxpayers hundreds of millions (soon to be 'billions') of dollars every cycle, it makes things worse, not better. That's why it should be defeated."

Couldn't just about the exact same thing be said about CMCE? CMCE would allow private entities to spend as much as they want, so it doesn't cap private expenditures on behalf of candidates. Nor would CMCE, to my understanding, reduce the amount spent on elections; indeed, it may provide more money to match those private expenditures should they occur. And I see no reason why it would not be just as expensive as the proposed hybrid system; surely it is within Congress's power to make the systems equally expensive.

But that doesn't put me in opposition to either system because I don't think any of those criteria are the point of public campaign financing. The point is to decrease the dependence of candidates on private money, particularly large donors. In that respect, I don't see enough of a difference to pass one system and fail the other.


[ Parent ]
That sounds like a brilliant way (0.00 / 0)
to trick opponents into running broke campaigns.

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