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Lt. Gov. Ravitch -- the Court was wrong

by: Dan Jacoby

Tue Sep 22, 2009 at 18:53:57 PM EDT


The Court of Appeals ruled that Governor Paterson's appointment of Richard Ravitch as Lieutenant-Governor was legal.  That court is the final arbiter of the intent and meaning of the state constitution.  But the Court ignored a key provision of the state constitution in making their ruling, and consequently their ruling was wrong.

Courts have gotten it wrong before, most notably in recent years the insupportable 2000 decision in Bush v. Gore.  When the top court makes its ruling, that's the ball game, and such may be the case here (though not necessarily -- read on).

Details after the jump.

Dan Jacoby :: Lt. Gov. Ravitch -- the Court was wrong
The primary question is whether Governor Paterson has the right, under Section 43 of Public Officers Law (PBO) and Article XIII, §3 of the state constitution, to appoint a Lieutenant-Governor.  This Court ruled that he does, but in doing so they relied on a statement that the Court already ruled against and ignored a key provision of that section of the state constitution.

Specifically, in a footnote on page 10 of their ruling (available on the NY Times website here) they rely on a "pre-Ward" opinion by the then-Attorney General.  Under this opinion, PBO Section 43 was, at the time, essentially the same as Section 42 with regard to the Lieutenant-Governor.  The problem with this reliance is that in the "Ward" case referred to here the Attorney General was on the losing side, so how does this Court rely on opinions it refused to accept?

Good question.

Moving on to Art. XIII, §3 of the state constitution, the Court was careful to address the question of whether the part of that section that limits a Governor's power to appoint someone to fill a vacancy to the calendar year (officially "political year") in which the vacancy occurs.  In this case, the Court decided that the provision that "no person appointed to fill a vacancy [in elective office] shall hold his or her office by virtue of such appointment longer than the commencement of the political year next succeeding the first annual election after the happening of the vacancy" doesn't apply.  They choose to apply an assumed "intent" rather than just read the words of the constitution.

What's worse, the Court chooses to ignore the rest of the section, which provides an exception to the "end of the year" rule for appointments to boards of education.  If there is such a specific exception for boards of education, but there is no such exception for a Lieutenant-Governor, no reading of "intent" other than a firm deadline can reasonably be read into the language of the constitution.  Yet this Court has done exactly that.

Shameful!

In sum, the Court relies on a discredited (by the Court) opinion on the meaning of PBO Section 43, and ignores the actual language of the constitution in favor of their unsupported reading of "intent."

Add to this the fact that the Court declined to consider whether the plaintiff, Dean Skelos, had standing, preferring instead to rule that it didn't matter.  As the dissent clearly points out, Skelos does have standing, and the Court should have addressed that question.  Instead, the Court chose to rush to judgment, based on faulty reasoning.

Why?  I suspect -- with no evidence, much less proof -- that Chief Judge Lippman, who was appointed by Governor Paterson, and his three partners in shame (another "gang of four"?) decided in advance how they would rule, and merely looked for an excuse to rule that way.

**********************

As I teased before, a further appeal may be possible.  Without knowing the history of the tactic I am about to outline, my gut feeling is that it won't work, but I believe it is an interesting topic of discussion.

The only place to appeal this decision is to the federal courts, and federal courts, even the U.S. Supreme Court, will not overrule the state's highest court with regard to interpretation of the state constitution.  In order to appeal to federal courts, therefore, a case must be made that the state constitution, as interpreted by the state's highest court, is in violation of the federal constitution.  In this case, such an argument might be made.

Article IV, Section 4 of the U.S. Constitution states that, "The United States shall guarantee to every state in this union a republican form of government."  The Court of Appeals' interpretation of the state constitution is denying to New York, and to New Yorkers, a republican form of government in that the selection of a Lieutenant-Governor, an elective position, can be made by one person alone.

Even the U.S. Constitution, in the 25th Amendment, does not grant to one person alone the right to appoint a Vice President; that nomination by the President must be approved by a majority vote in both houses of Congress.  The New York state constitution, as interpreted by the highest court in the state, apparently gives one person the sole right to appoint a major figure, the person who will certainly act, on occasion, as chief executive of the state, and the person who is first in the line of succession.

This is clearly in violation of both the letter and the "intent" of the U.S. Constitutional provision of a "republican form of government," and is therefore unconstitutional.  It only remains to be seen if anyone will push that issue, and if the federal courts will be willing to take it up.

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Republican Form Of Government? (0.00 / 0)
How does the ability for one person to appoint an LG in case of a vacancy violate the requirement that states provide a "republican form of government"? Without defining that rather opaque phrase, the claim is more of an assertion than an argument. Heck, I don't think the phrase even requires separation of powers; couldn't a state set up a parliamentary system such as in Britain? Checks and balances would still be in place. Why isn't the ability of an elected legislature sufficient to ensure that the government remains "republican," especially when that legislature retains the power to change the executive succession law?

The fact that 25th Amendment requires of Senate approval for a VP appointment does not mean such approval is constitutionally required. Indeed, since it was an amendment, its provisions would override any preceding constitutional language, and omitting Senate approval could therefore not be unconstitutional. So I don't think its provisions can be cited as necessary to satisfy the "republican form of government" language.


Read my whole statement (0.00 / 0)
First, I did say that "my gut feeling is that it won't work."  Your claim that I made "more of an assertion than an argument" may be true, as I as much as admitted.

Second, the VP must be approved by both houses of Congress.  I'm also not sure what you mean by "does not mean such approval is constitutionally required."  Of course it's "constitutionally required" -- it's in the constitution!  Yes, it's an amendment, but the part of the 25th Amendment to which I'm referring didn't "override any preceding constitutional language," since prior to the 25th Amendment there was no provision for filling the VP slot.

My point is that the state constitution, as interpreted by the Court of Appeals, gives to one person the complete authority to appoint someone who will certainly act as governor, and may even become governor, and that power, held by one person alone without any "checks and balances," is not what I would define as a "republican form of government," and that view just might be mirrored by federal courts.

Finally, your reply, which does not reflect accurately my complete statement, is similar to the problem with the Court of Appeals' ruling.  The ruling also lacks a complete coverage of the key section of the state constitution; that's why they are (in my not-so-humble opinion) wrong.  Hence the title of my reply.


[ Parent ]
Clarification and Addendums (0.00 / 0)
"I'm also not sure what you mean by 'does not mean such approval is constitutionally required.'"

What I meant to say is that had the 25th Amendment called for straight out appointment by the president without congressional approval, it still would have been constitutional (because it would have been in the constitution). So I don't think the 25th Amendment's requirement for congressional approval for the VP appointment can be used to buttress the "republican form of government" argument, because straight out appointment would have been constitutional as well.

"your reply, which does not reflect accurately my complete statement, is similar to the problem with the Court of Appeals' ruling. The ruling also lacks a complete coverage of the key section of the state constitution; that's why they are (in my not-so-humble opinion) wrong."

I never claimed to address the NY State constitutional arguments; I was only addressing the federal argument. And while you did say that your gut feeling is that it won't work, you also wrote that the appointment "clearly" violates both "the letter and 'intent'" of the "republican form of government" clause. I think that's far from obvious, especially when there's so little case law on what that phrase means.

"and that power, held by one person alone without any 'checks and balances,'..."

There are checks and balances on the executive branch, just as there always were. The legislature still has exclusive lawmaking power. The legislature has the power of the purse. The legislature can override vetos. The legislature can impeach. The executive does not have unfettered power regardless of how those who occupy the office got there (and they did get there by a rule-of-law process, not some monarchical inheritance). I'm not sure why that's not sufficient to satisfy the republican government requirement.

Moreover, I doubt the Supreme Court would take a case on an issue that apparently was not argued below. Someone would probably have to file again and start anew. (And it may be mooted by the next election before it would get to the Supreme Court anyway.)


[ Parent ]
Right decision, regardless of any stretch in interpreting the Constitution (4.00 / 1)
The absence of a procedure for filling a vacancy in the office of LtGov was a dysfunctional, gaping hole in the state Constitution. The Lt Gov has two functions - to replace an absent Governor, and to preside over the state Senate and break tie votes in that body, which has an even number of members.

Not only could this defect produce chaos in the event of a deadlocked State Senate, in fact it did, this very year, where the Senate was paralyzed for weeks in a power struggle over who was to preside, and assume the duties of the LtGov.

Today's decision was the ONLY reasonable one. The need to fill the vacancy is urgent, in view of the felony indictment of Sen. Monserrate and the blatant corruption of Sen. Espada, two members of the "gang of three" disloyal Democrats whose temporary defection to caucus with the Republicans led to chaos and gridlock, shutting down legislation for weeks, missing reauthorization deadlines and failing to address vital issues.

What could be more sensible than that the former Lt Gov, elected by the people after de facto nomination by the Gov candidate, nominates a successor of his own choice to carry on the indirect but real mandate of the voters?  


Expediency Not Sufficient For Violating Rule Of Law (0.00 / 0)
I agree with Dan (below) that the short term consequences do not outweigh a decision that violates the rule of law. If the short term consequences would be bad, then the proper recourse is to change the law through the proper process, not allow some appointed officials to disregard it whenever they think it would be good for the state--because that sets a terrible precedent for later decisions that one might fervently wish had gone the other way had the law not been ignored.

The US Constitution did not provide for filling a vacancy in the Vice Presidency until the 25th Amendment was ratified in 1967. The slot had been vacant 16 times due to the death or resignation of either the president or VP. But no one bent the law trying to fill it. I don't know if the US Senate was ever evenly spit and so made the missing VP tie-breaking vote essential, but the potential of that situation was not sufficient to justify filling the VP position outside of a constitutional procedure for doing so.

And like the US Constitution, the state constitution needs to be fixed explicitly so this situation doesn't happen again.


[ Parent ]
Thomas Jefferson would disagree! (0.00 / 0)
Louisiana Purchase.  Illegal act made legal after the fact by retroactive approval of Congress.

Agreed that the state constitution needs to be fixed explicitly ASAP and I wish the court had announced that it needed to be.

However, note that the vacancies in the Vice Presidential position were allowed because they didn't matter.  No President was in imminent danger of dying during one of those vacancies, and the Senate was never deadlocked either.  Had either event happened, you can bet something questionable would have been done to fill the slot.  The first time something like this did threaten to happen, Congress passed the 25th amendment hoping to get it ratified before there wwas any trouble.

Likewise, the Lieutenant Governor's position was left vacant for months with no comment... until it suddently actually mattered, thanks to Tom Golisano.

The absence of a procedure for replacing the Lieutenant Governor is, of course, ridiculous.  But the lack of procedure does not imply that the position must be left vacant if it freezes the government; this is a common-law state, not a civil law state.


[ Parent ]
The "republican form of government" (0.00 / 0)
provision of the US Constitution is probably not justiciable.

Oh, it probably is in certain cases. (0.00 / 0)
I suspect if someone attempted to establish a monarchy or hereditary dictatorship in New Hampshire it would be justiciable.

It probably should have been used in the Reconstruction period to justify the guarantee of black voting rights, but the political will was missing and the KKK and related organizations were allowed to take over the Southern governments.  If something like that ever comes up again I would expect the Republican Guarantee Clause to be used as a reference.

However, I can't see how it applies to this at all.


[ Parent ]
Consequences (4.00 / 2)
When Governor Paterson moved to appoint Richard Ravitch as Lieutenant-Governor, there was a significant short-term consequence -- it ended the stalemate.  When the Court of Appeals rules on the constitutionality of such a move, there are long-term consequences which we cannot even begin to guess at.

That's why the Court's ruling, as much as many of us like the immediate effect because it keeps Pedro Espada that much farther away from weilding enormous power, is still bad.  It ignores both the law and the state constitution, and the long-term consequences of doing that are far more horrifying than the certainty that Pedro Espada will, on occasion and for very brief periods of time, be the acting governor over the next fifteen months.

The Court's ruling relies on a discredited opinion of the relevant section of the law, and creates an "intent" for the key provision of the state constitution that not only does not exist but is also contrary to the content of that provision.  This is a dangerous act.

The problem with this argument is that the vast majority of people demand concrete results, and I can't tell you what the concrete results of this ruling will be, other than the fact that Richard Ravitch is Lieutenant-Governor and Pedro Espada's power is diminished slightly.

It reminds me of the first presidential debate of 2000, which I watched with a friend with whom I was working at the time.  He asked me what difference electing Bush or Gore would make to him -- and I couldn't give him a concrete answer.  I couldn't say that his business would suffer greatly in seven years (it has, but I couldn't prove it in 2000).  I couldn't answer that a couple of his relatives would be in much greater danger (they are, but I couldn't prove it in 2000).

I can't tell you what long-term consequences this ruling will have, but there will be dire consequences.  When the top court ignores the constitution and the law in favor of a short-term solution, there are long-term consequences; witness the result of Bush v. Gore.

So go ahead and cheer the short-term result, but beware the long-term consequences of this ruling.


Several problems with analysis: (0.00 / 0)
(1) Pedro Espada's claim to be acting Lieutenant Governor was also in question legally.  The court would have had to make a ruling to confirm that.  The court was stuck in the process either way.

(2) In Bush v. Gore, there was a procedure underway -- the vote count in Florida under Florida Supreme Court rules -- which would have provided a final result with no legal uncertainty, and would have finished before the meeting of the electoral college.  If it had not finished, Florida law already provided a way to fill the electoral college.  This procedure was disrupted and stopped by the Supreme Court.

In this case, in contrast, there was no procedure resolving the situation, and no hope of a straightforward resolution until the next scheduled gubernatorial election !  Freezing government for years was not only a likely result but one proven to happen.

The moral is: don't leave unfillable vacancies in positions which have duties.  That's just bad law-writing and bad constitution-writing, and forces judges to come up with something.  The solution of allowing a standalone Lieutenant Governor's election would have been best, but even less anchored in the text of the laws.


[ Parent ]
I'm sorry, but... (4.00 / 2)
Without prejudice to your conclusion, your analysis is some pretty poor legal analysis.  You clearly put some time into it, but I suspect your talents lie elsewhere.

At a minimum, I'd suggest reading Luther v. Borden, 48 U.S. 1 (1849) as to the nonjusticiability of Guarantee Clause questions.  


Analysis (0.00 / 0)
I will look at Luther v. Borden; as I said, my gut feeling was that it wouldn't work, and the comments that followed (yours and that of "andgarden") seem to indicate exactly that.

Where is my analysis poor?  Did the court ignore part of the key section of the constitution?  Did the court rely on a discredited opinion in interpreting the law?  Did the court rely on specific precedent for doing these things?

I'm not a lawyer, but I'm pretty certain that it is the court's ruling that is a "poor legal analysis," since the court didn't follow proper procedure, but chose instead to craft a legal theory unsupported by the letter of the constitution, precedent, or anything other than what seems to me to be a predetermined judgment.  So far, nobody here has put a dent in that argument; perhaps you can.


[ Parent ]
Game over (0.00 / 0)
Now, just amend the Constitution to fix this.

The Court of Appeals had little choice. (0.00 / 0)
Principles of interpretation come into play here.  The freezing of all of state government due to an unfillable vacancy for which no replacement can be made can only be described as an error; a result which cannot have been intended.

The State Constitution must be interpreted to avoid such an error, if possible.

It was possible, so the Court of Appeals had to do it.

Now, this does show that the Constitution is a mess and we need a Constitutional convention, and I rather wish the Court had put in a footnote to that effect!


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