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What's gone wrong with New York's political machines?

by: simonstl

Wed Sep 14, 2011 at 07:37:34 AM EDT


Well, yes. I know. Many many things, since the hazy origins of New York politics.

Lately, however, the machines are failing at their central purpose: electing candidates in areas where they (supposedly) dominate.

Yesterday, the folks at New York Capital wrote:

If Weprin loses, it will be the fourth time in two years a New York special election has gone badly for a candidate hand-picked by the dominant party.

I think most of us here cheered when Scott Murphy, Bill Owens, and Kathy Hochul won, all Democratic insurgents challenging Republican establishments Upstate.

Now we have Republican insurgent Bob Turner defeating the Democratic establishment Downstate.

None of these races were identical - Bill Owens in particular benefited from a massive split among the Republicans. You can always argue about the quality of the candidates and the campaigns.

All of them, however, were in Congressional districts that seemed dominated by one party, until you looked closely enough to see the smaller pieces, the neighborhoods, the fragmentation generally. The losers were all, I think, Assembly members.

Since 2006 and Spitzer's election, I've wondered if New York voters in general are just looking for change. There's a broad grumbling out there that our political institutions aren't serving the state (or country) well. People and parties in power are the natural target of that fury, especially when there's a local connection.

I'm not sure that the machines themselves have changed for better or worse than usual, but I do think that voters are much more interested in Davids setting off to slay Goliath than they used to be, perhaps especially in races where national issues seem to be at stake.

simonstl :: What's gone wrong with New York's political machines?
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People are disgusted (4.00 / 3)
with politics as usual. That at least is common to all and shows in poll numbers regarding each party and congress as a whole.

But each of these races had its local reasons as well.

NY-20 was a squeaker. Scott Murphy benefited greatly I think from following in Kirsten Gillibrand's footsteps. And Tedisco ran an incredibly bad campaign. It is a Republican leaning district but not by as much as the enrollment numbers would indicate.

NY-23 has been moving into the Democratic column for years. The division caused by Hoffman and the Tea Party tipped the scale but it is not surprising that a Democrat won this district.

NY-26 should not have been won by a Democrat but it followed a sex scandal on the part of the Republicans and another poor campaign by the Republican.

NY-9 is not as Democratic as one might think. And certainly not as liberal as its previous representative was. It also followed a bad sex scandal with an underwhelming candidate and narrowly went to the other side. This was never a sure thing. It is not like most other NYC districts.

But I agree completely that most everyone is dissatisfied with politics in America today. And it's only getting worse.


Some machines are still strong (4.00 / 2)
I actually cheer the declining power of political machines; we need such power distributed among the many, not collected in the hands of the very few.

But some machines are still going strong. The Brooklyn (Kings County) machine managed a handy win in the 54th AD, despite having a crooked, rotten campaign from top to bottom and a spirited challenge from the Working Families Party. I haven't seen results in the county-wide judicial race, but if the machine candidate won there as well it means another demonstration of machine power.

With the decline of the machines in general, however, perhaps the time has come to reexamine the methodology of running special elections.

In NYC, special elections are wide-open affairs, with nobody allowed on a regular party line (every candidate must invent his/her own party). This has advantages over the state system, and works as well as anything in areas that are effectively one-party rule. But it has its drawbacks as well.

The fact that Governor Cuomo could wait months before calling some of the special elections that occurred yesterday is sufficient proof that we don't need to rush things. I recommend, therefore, that the law be changed to require the Governor to announce special elections within 15 days of a vacancy, with a primary to be held 70-80 days from the announcement and a general election eight weeks later. This gives election officials plenty of time to get absentee ballots out to overseas military personnel, in accordance with federal law, and it allows political parties to choose, in an open manner, who shall represent them in the general election.


Power is perishable (4.00 / 2)
A machine that can't ensure anyone's election isn't actually a machine...

More like a hunk of junk that nobody's noticed yet.

"Power is perishable" is a conclusion from an old book by Governing magazine's Alan Ehrenhalt, and speaks to the notion that power that disappears from one institution (or machine) naturally flows to some other, newer institution.  However, this may not be true.  Power may in fact be perishable, disappearing out of useful reach like water sinks into sand.

True, or not?  The power to get things done in New York (which machines also were good at - Rufus Elefante's Utica) - where did it go?


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